On January 7, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev was interviewed by local TV channels.

Vusal Matlab from Azerbaijan Television: It’s a pleasure to see you, Mr. President. First of all, thank you for continuing this interview format, which has now become a tradition. It provides us with the opportunity to gain your detailed insights on matters of public interest, and we sincerely appreciate it.

I would like to start by discussing the results of 2024. How would you evaluate the socioeconomic performance indicators for the year, and what predictions do these indicators suggest for 2025?

President Ilham Aliyev: Last year was another successful year in terms of economic development. Azerbaijan’s economy continued to grow, and I believe the pace of this growth, especially considering the current global context, can be viewed positively. Our gross domestic product increased by more than 4 percent. However, the key indicator for us is the development of the non-oil sector. As you know, we have been experiencing a decline in oil production, but I believe that, thanks to ongoing negotiations and efforts, this decline will be halted, and oil production will stabilize. As a result, the decrease in oil production will no longer negatively impact our gross domestic product.

Therefore, when evaluating overall economic indicators, we primarily focus on the performance of the non-oil sector. In this area, the results have been even more impressive, with growth exceeding 6 percent. Given that one of our key economic development goals for many years has been to increase industrial production, it is particularly encouraging that growth in the non-oil industrial sector surpassed 7 percent.

In other words, when comparing these growth rates to the global economy or the development trends - more accurately, the recessions - of developed countries, it becomes clear that Azerbaijan’s economy has performed successfully. Naturally, this success is the result of a well-thought-out and policy.

These achievements are not solely the result of last year’s efforts. They stem from many years of economic reforms, increased transparency, the fight against monopolistic practices, the attraction of investments, and improvements in the overall investment climate. As a result, we are seeing a positive shift in how leading international rating agencies view Azerbaijan. That said, while they acknowledge the reality of our progress, I believe our international rating should be higher than it currently is. For various reasons, however, these agencies continue to adopt a somewhat conservative approach. In any case, these developments demonstrate that we have successfully achieved sustainable economic growth. I am confident that this momentum will continue, not just this year but in the years to come.

Regarding our financial situation, we achieved significant improvements last year, including an increase in our reserves. This was accomplished despite having a record-high budget and implementing numerous social programs, including substantial funding for the restoration of Karabakh. Even so, we managed to optimize our processes effectively, which allowed us to further grow our foreign exchange reserves.

Throughout the year, our foreign exchange reserves increased by more than $5 billion. Today, this figure stands at $72 billion. For a country with a population of 10 million, this is an impressive indicator because such achievements are best evaluated in relative terms. A comparison of foreign exchange reserves across countries worldwide should, of course, consider reserves per capita, and by this measure, Azerbaijan is among the leading countries globally.

The second important indicator is the ratio of gross domestic product to external debt. I believe we are also among the world leaders in this regard. Our external debt accounts for only 7.2 percent of our gross domestic product. For comparison, in most developed countries, this figure exceeds 100 percent. A level of 7.2 percent is indeed an exceptional achievement. This is why I believe international rating agencies should adopt a fairer approach toward Azerbaijan. Additionally, the comparison between foreign exchange reserves and external debt is a key factor. In our case, foreign exchange reserves exceed external debt by 14 times.

So, if someone can show me another country—specifically, a developed country—that has a comparable set of figures, I would certainly be grateful. However, no such analogy exists among developed nations. This provides us with a strong basis to claim that our economy is stable, relies on its own resources, and does not depend on external financing. That said, we have recently started making efforts to gradually increase our external debt. While it may rise slightly, it is important to note that it has decreased significantly in the past. Five years ago, when our external debt was about 20 percent of our gross domestic product, I set a goal to reduce it to 10 percent. Today, it stands at 7.2 percent.

So, what will external financing provide for us? Given that the country faces many significant investment needs, it will help slightly reduce the burden on the budget. Additionally, since we have already established a repayment schedule for our external debt, our current external debt, which stands at $5.2 billion, will continue to decrease over the coming years. Therefore, attracting additional financial resources can be considered a prudent step, and the government has already begun working in this direction. I have given the necessary instructions to move forward.

Of course, the budget parameters also reflect the economic potential of each country, both in terms of the size of the budget and its dynamics. This year’s budget is at a record high, with expenditures exceeding 41 billion manats and the overall budget surpassing 48 billion manats. There has never been a budget of this magnitude in the history of Azerbaijan. By highlighting all these factors, I want to emphasize once again that these results were achieved solely through our internal resources, driven by transparency, sound management, and prudent economic policies. I have stated this repeatedly, and I believe everyone now recognizes that the political independence of any country is directly tied to its economic independence. If you are not dependent on others in economic and financial matters, you can pursue an independent foreign policy.

Of course, there are many other indicators to consider, but these are the key economic figures. Importantly, this strong economic foundation also allows us to implement social programs more actively. As you may know, starting from January 1 of this year, the minimum wage increased by 55 manats, reaching 400 manats, while the minimum pension rose by 40 manats to reach 320 manats. The average increase is about 14-15 percent. For a country that has made such significant investments and faces the monumental task of restoring Karabakh, paying attention to this area underscores the essence of our policy. In other words, it is crucial that Azerbaijani citizens experience an improved quality of life year after year. If we compare this increase to the inflation rate, which was just over 2 percent last year, it becomes clear that this increase represents another form of support from the government to the vulnerable population.

Everything should be fair - whether in the family, society, or politics. The principles of social justice have always been important to us. As soon as the opportunity arose, we made this area a priority. Over the past few years, four social packages have been implemented, with more than 7 billion manats allocated for this purpose. Going forward, social and economic development will progress together. As economic opportunities grow, we will continue to focus on addressing social issues, including increasing the minimum wage, pensions, and social benefits.

Guy Shawn from AnewZ Television: Mr. President, thank you very much for speaking to AnewZ, an international channel that broadcasts in English. I particularly want to thank you for agreeing to speak with us today in English for our viewers.

I would like to ask you about COP29. The whole world pretty much came to Baku. There were many tough negotiations. There were some noticeable absentees - the President of France and the President of the European Commission did not attend. Despite that, a deal was done. Could I ask for your reflections on the achievements of the event and also what needs to happen this year and beyond to keep that momentum?

President Ilham Aliyev: Yes, COP29 was a big challenge for us, and of course, a big opportunity. Our task was to convert the challenge into success. Of course, we clearly realized that Azerbaijan, not being a biggest gas emitting country, cannot play a decisive role in bringing the world together. But we thought that our experience in international institutions and a diversified foreign policy would help us to build bridges.

So, as soon as we were awarded COP29 in December 2023, we started to be deeply involved in the substance. Frankly speaking, before, we were not very actively involved in this process. You see that one of the main impediments to achieving success is the lack of trust between the Global South and the Global North – between the countries, which are the big polluters, if I could name them like that, and those that suffer from this. And we have seen the misbalance; the countries which face an existential threat with respect to climate change, have their gas emission below 0.1 percent but they are really under threat. So their life, their future, and the whole existence of the countries, especially small island states, are under threat.

So we started to use our homework preparation, being very active in the Global South, having enormous experience in chairing the Non-Aligned Movement for four years with great success - with unanimous support from this institution, which was reflected in a unanimous decision to extend our chairmanship for one more year. At the same time, being actively involved in European politics Azerbaijan signed or adopted strategic partnership declarations and agreements with ten members of the European Union. So we decided that could work.

We started to work immediately. So, we worked on two tracks mainly: preparation and substance. On both, there have been a lot of rocks and bumps. But I think the final results demonstrate that it was a success story. Preparation was a big challenge because, unlike previous COPs, we had not two years but only eleven months to prepare. We had to build all those vast installations in the stadium and around it - close to 200 thousand square meters of covered space - and everybody was happy with the organizational side. It was not only about creating that site, but also logistics, transportation, accommodation, certification of our hotels, and finding other spaces for guests to stay because we did not have that many rooms. We had 76,000 registered participants from 197 countries.

Another problem, which we did not expect, was attempts to boycott COP29 due to political reasons, and that was much unexpected. I don’t think that any other country which hosted this event faced this kind of resistance. But we also managed to deal with that. So the boycott failed. Though, as you mentioned, some countries, especially France, were doing their utmost to discredit the event. I have information from my colleagues, presidents, that the French president personally contacted many of them, saying not to go to Baku. So, even that was used to stop leaders from coming. But it failed. Eighty heads of state and government came to Baku. That once again demonstrated that Azerbaijan is considered a reliable partner.

With respect to what you said about the absence of the President of the European Commission, as far as I know, this was the first COP where the President of the European Commission did not attend, though the participation of the President of the Commission was confirmed a couple of months before. Even at the initiative of the European Commission, a special session was planned to address the issue of the green cable project with the participation of the leaders of Azerbaijan, Georgia, Hungary, and Romania, the countries, which are involved. Again, that event was proposed by the European Commission, and we found a spot to squeeze it in because it was too busy, but it was the “last-minute cancellation” of the visit which was a surprise.

I know that the Organizing Committee of COP29 communicated with the European Commission, saying that COP is for two weeks. And there was a lot of time to come. By the way, the Secretary-General of the United Nations visited twice: at the opening and at the closing. But again, this message was ignored by the European Commission. And of course, COP29 did not suffer from that, but the absence of the European Commission, which is a party to COP, raises a lot of questions.

But nevertheless, from the point of view of the organizational side, it was definitely a success story. I already said once that we had only ten complaints, which were addressed immediately.

So now, with respect to the results, many people call it – and I join that - Baku Breakthrough because for almost ten years, the parties could not agree on the carbon market. The first days of COP already started with success, and an agreement on the carbon market - Article 6 of the Paris Agreement - was achieved. And that was really a great success, and everybody was happy about that. So, what couldn’t have been agreed on for ten years was agreed upon in Baku.

Of course, financing was a central topic at COP, as it was the main focus of discussions. I am aware that there were high expectations regarding the allocation of a trillion dollars, but such an amount was absolutely unrealistic. So, what was achieved is that we tripled the financing for the coming years. Because before COP29, the latest agreed figure was $100 billion. So, here in Baku, we made it $300 billion. So, when someone says that it was a failure, it’s not fair. It was a real success and also a legacy that will be used for the future.

There were a lot of other important initiatives. The total number of initiatives from Azerbaijan was 14. I don’t want to mention all of them. It demonstrates that we treated this issue very seriously. Of course, another legacy, which I am sure will remain at future COPs, is the creation of the Troika between the current, previous, and future host countries. So, that is how it was organized. This creates synergy because we built our success on the success in the UAE, on the success of COP28 UAE consensus. And we used their experience. So this year, COP in Brazil will undoubtedly build its - I hope - success story on the achievements of both the UAE and Azerbaijan.

Of course, our green agenda, which is another important topic, aligns perfectly with the global green agenda and the green transition. I believe we have already accomplished a great deal, and many more projects are planned for implementation in the near future.

So, I would once again call it a very significant success. An important factor for us was the country presentation. Nothing similar has ever been held in our region before. Never have so many guests gathered in one place within our region. It was a unique opportunity to showcase our country, and many of those I met - particularly those visiting Azerbaijan for the first time - shared that they were deeply impressed by what they had seen. This is largely because the lack of information about Azerbaijan, combined with deliberate misinformation, has shaped perceptions of our country in many ways. However, when visitors come to Azerbaijan, they witness a vibrant society, educated people, skilled professionals, the beauty of the city, and the overall comfort and harmony within the society. Naturally, this leaves a lasting impression.

So, we had various targets, and all of them were successfully achieved. Yet another success for Azerbaijan.

Nigar Sabirgizi from Public Television: Mr. President, you spoke about COP29, which was undoubtedly a testament to Azerbaijan's growing international authority. My question also relates to Azerbaijan's role in the international community. It is well known that our country actively collaborates with numerous international organizations, holds memberships in many of them, and continues to expand these relations. Recently, on December 19, at the end of last year, Azerbaijan was admitted to another influential organization, D8. This marked the first expansion of the organization’s membership in almost 30 years. What does Azerbaijan’s membership in D8 signify in terms of its position within the global political system? Additionally, what opportunities and prospects does this membership open up for our country?

President Ilham Aliyev: This was another successful step for us, as Azerbaijan’s accession to this organization once again underscores the authority of our country. You know very well that this organization was established nearly 30 years ago at Türkiye’s initiative, bringing together eight countries. During all these years, no new members were admitted. Azerbaijan is the first country to be accepted following the organization’s first decision to enlarge its membership. This reflects not only Azerbaijan’s growing authority but also its increasing role in the international arena. D8 is one of the largest organizations uniting Muslim countries, with a combined population exceeding one billion and representing 60 percent of the economy of Muslim nations. The organization’s gross domestic product surpasses 5 trillion dollars. Out of approximately 60 Muslim countries worldwide, Azerbaijan has been chosen as the newest member. This is both a great honor and a significant responsibility for us. All necessary instructions have already been issued to ensure that Azerbaijan plays an active role in this organization and contributes meaningfully to its activities.

It was Türkiye that supported our candidacy from the very beginning. About seven or eight years ago, at the invitation of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, I attended a D8 summit in Türkiye as a guest. Since that time, the issue of Azerbaijan's membership has remained on the agenda. However, consensus among all member countries was necessary and, finally, this consensus has been achieved.

We will, of course, maintain closer contact with member states. However, we already have very active relations with all of them. We view this decision as recognition of our successes. I reiterate, this is just the first step. The key issue moving forward will be related to the future activities of D8. Naturally, we have our own ideas and agenda, and we will remain in constant contact with member states to present our proposals. I believe it is entirely realistic that D8, as an organization, will grow in influence. In one way or another, the expansion has already begun, and it will not be limited to Azerbaijan - other countries may also be invited. Of course, these matters will be addressed based on consensus.

Azerbaijan has always been a valued member of the Muslim world. If you pay attention to the statements of the leaders of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, you will see that this organization, which unites all Muslim countries, has consistently held a positive view of Azerbaijan. We have taken consistent steps to strengthen Muslim solidarity, including fostering respect for the Islamic faith in Azerbaijan, promoting interfaith relations, and hosting numerous significant events, such as the Fourth Islamic Solidarity Games.

We consistently defend the interests of Muslim countries in all international organizations, including the UN. Whenever an election is held for a leadership position in any organization, and a representative from a Muslim country is a candidate, we automatically vote for that representative. This has been my instruction, and once given, it is automatically carried out. We have provided assistance to many Muslim countries, but we do not boast about it, nor do we often discuss it publicly. However, even the media coverage available is enough to show how active we are in this area - both during the COVID crisis and in other situations. We have been at the forefront of addressing the challenges faced by the Palestinian people. Following the collapse of the Assad regime in Syria and the formation of a new government, Azerbaijan became the second country, after Türkiye, to offer humanitarian assistance there. We remain ready to provide any further assistance as needed. To this end, a delegation from Azerbaijan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs recently visited Syria.

We view the interests of all Muslim countries as our own, which is likely why Azerbaijan was the first choice after the decision to expand D8 was made. Of course, our country's economic potential, political influence, and military strength were also considered. Additionally, our policy of Islamic solidarity, which I mentioned earlier, played a role in this decision. At the same time, this organization is expanding its geographical reach. D8 has already extended to both the Caucasus and the Caspian region, and the broader our geography becomes, the greater our opportunities.

It is no secret that a new world order is taking shape. I believe we are at the beginning of this process, and many gaps are emerging and will continue to emerge. The system established after World War II has already lost its potential. This is evident from the ongoing processes, conflicts, wars, and other events happening in various parts of the world. At the same time, the political and moral crisis in many leading Western countries is also clear. In other words, the most critical issue facing the West today is the elected president of a major Western nation. And he is right in his criticism of this situation.

This system has already exhausted itself. I am not the one saying this - this is the view expressed by Mr. Trump, who will soon become the President of the United States. Naturally, these gaps will continue to widen, and there is a need for a new actor, a serious player with a solid agenda, to emerge.

For example, we believe that the Organization of Turkic States has the potential to become a powerful force on the global stage. It possesses vast geography, human resources, natural resources, transport and communication networks, and, most importantly, unity. I also believe that D8 can play a significant role in addressing this gap. More than 1 billion, perhaps 1.3 billion people live in these countries. D8 accounts for 60 percent of the economy of Muslim countries, and 60 percent of the Muslim population resides in D8 member states. It represents a tremendous opportunity. We cannot afford to miss it or waste time. We join this organization with this very agenda in mind, and I am confident that our ideas and proposals will be given careful consideration.

Nigar Sabirgizi: Thank you very much.

Sanan Rzayev from CBC Television: Mr. President, our channel broadcasts in Russian. With your permission, I would like to ask you the question in Russian.

President Ilham Aliyev: Please, go ahead.

Sanan Rzayev: Mr. President, one of the landmark events of last year was the liberation of four villages in the Gazakh district from Armenian occupation. It is noteworthy that this, in a way, occurred as a result of some form of dialogue between Yerevan and Baku. Furthermore, in the same region, it was also possible to achieve the delimitation and demarcation of a certain section of the state border within a remarkably short period of time, which was quite surprising. I would like to hear your thoughts on this. What do you believe was the key to this success? What made this possible? What factors contributed to this achievement? After all, we have a very complicated history of relations with Armenia, to put it mildly, and yet, this outcome emerged unexpectedly.

President Ilham Aliyev: I would say that this occurred as a result of a monologue rather than a dialogue. The reason is simple: the dialogue with Armenia has failed for decades. Armenia's policy of occupation made any genuine dialogue impossible, as they used the negotiation format merely as a cover to continue their occupation. Moreover, the recently surfaced information in the media, particularly the fascist statements of Armenia's first president, once again confirms what we have long known. Armenia had no intention of relinquishing even a single centimeter of Azerbaijani territory.

They felt quite comfortable, believing they could rely on billions of dollars' worth of free arms from one ally and political and moral support from the other two. As a result, all three co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group, during the period for which I am responsible, were unequivocally aligned with the occupier. I am telling you this as someone who has been directly involved in negotiations within the Minsk Group framework since 2004 and has had countless meetings with this “troika.” Therefore, it was clear that we could not expect to regain these territories through dialogue, nor could we anticipate restoring our territorial integrity through such means.

I believe there were several factors that led to Armenia voluntarily - or, let’s say, voluntarily under coercion - returning these villages. The first was the Patriotic War and its decisive results. The second was the anti-terror operation, which I think shattered any illusions the Armenian leadership may have harbored about external powers confronting Azerbaijan on their behalf. My final demand regarding the four villages of the Gazakh district was presented to the Armenian Prime Minister almost a year ago, in February of last year. This topic had been on the agenda continuously since the end of the Second Karabakh War. Before that, there was no point in discussing it, as the main issue of occupation remained unresolved. However, as soon as the Trilateral Statement was signed - or even in the period leading up to its signing - this matter was consistently raised. In fact, I can share that during the negotiations over the terms of the Trilateral Statement, we also brought up the issue of the occupied villages in the Gazakh district. While it was not possible to include them in the agreement at that time for specific reasons, we were confident that we would eventually achieve this goal - just as we were certain of regaining full control over all our territories. As we all know, the 10 November 2020 Statement did not fully resolve the issue of occupation.

By adhering to a strategically firm and logical approach, we acted consistently, purposefully, and persistently. The sequence of events - starting with the Patriotic War, followed by clarifications regarding the conditional border between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the anti-terror operation, and the return of the four villages of the Gazakh district - was a testament to this strategy. It is worth noting that one of these villages was occupied during the Soviet Union in 1990, while the other three were occupied in the spring of 1992. At last February’s meeting with the Armenian Prime Minister in Munich; this issue was presented in the form of a monologue. I am pleased that we were able to resolve the matter without resorting to other methods to secure the return of these villages. I believe that the lessons of the past four years are being acknowledged by the Armenian side, albeit not fully memorized yet. Nonetheless, this marks a positive first step not only in the delimitation process but also in the demarcation of the border. It is a unique situation where both delimitation and demarcation are occurring almost simultaneously.

We have achieved justice in this matter and regained our territories. A group of specialists was sent to these villages some time ago. However, due to their proximity to Armenian settlements, there are certain risks in the event of an escalation. Therefore, I have requested that the safest possible location be identified for constructing housing for the residents of these villages to ensure their security. Given the aggressive nature of our neighbor, our primary concern must be the safety of our population.

I believe the process was as transparent as possible and was positively received by Armenia’s new patrons, particularly because the demarcation process also took place. This, of course, should help propel the clarification of the entire border. The protocol agreed upon by the Armenian and Azerbaijani commissions on delimitation and demarcation outlines that several factors must be considered when clarifying the border: security, communications, and settlements, historical and environmental factors, among others. In other words, the existing conditional border between Armenia and Azerbaijan is not set in stone, and our position has always been that it should be clarified, taking into account these and many other factors. As far as I know, this month, we have presented this initiative, and the next meeting of the Azerbaijani and Armenian delimitation commissions is expected to take place to continue the delimitation process. We have proposed our methodology, which we shared with the Armenian side, and the verbal response we received, as reported to me, indicates that there are no major objections from their side. So, let’s wait and see.

Mr. President, the strengthening of Azerbaijan as an independent country is fueling the resentment and anger of its adversaries. Your commentary has further convinced us of this. The actions taken by Western circles can likely be described as a form of cold war at this stage. My question concerns the new state budget of Azerbaijan, specifically the funds allocated for security and military matters. Just yesterday, Armenian military units once again fired upon Azerbaijani territories, another provocation. How will these new expenses, as well as the funds allocated for security, help prevent the emergence of revanchist tendencies in our neighbors to the West, particularly regarding any potential changes to their constitution and abandoning of territorial claims against Azerbaijan?

President Ilham Aliyev: Yes, you are absolutely right. I have already stated that the consequences of the Second Karabakh War and the anti-terror operation should be taken very seriously in Armenia. The ongoing armament of Armenia is, of course, a new threat factor for the South Caucasus. I have mentioned this before, and I want to reiterate that we cannot simply stand by as passive observers and do nothing. I have also repeatedly conveyed to the Armenian leadership that this could create a new threat. At the same time, those who seem to be backing Armenia today and inciting them to new provocations and sabotage against Azerbaijan will most likely not support them in the long run, just as they did not in 2020 and beyond. Not because they do not want to, but because Azerbaijan will simply not allow these opportunities.

Therefore, a significant portion of Azerbaijan's state budget will be allocated to military and security matters. I have already mentioned this: we are dedicating 4 billion manats to the restoration of Karabakh and East Zangezur, and 8.4 billion manats to addressing military and security concerns. This situation could have been very different, as Armenia’s arms race forces us to divert financial resources to military issues, in addition to the primary ones. I have also stated that Armenia cannot compete with us in the arms race. However, we must consider one important issue: these weapons are provided to Armenia either for free or as loans. These loans are eventually will be written off after a certain period, and they are also funded by the European Union’s so-called Peace Facility. I say ‘so-called’ because the peace facility should truly be used for peace, yet its actual purpose seems to be armament. The first payment was made from this fund, and according to the information we have, it will not be the last.

Another disturbing fact is that in April of last year, for the first time in history, a very odd cooperation platform was created - America, the European Union and Armenia. As you know, the US Secretary of State, the President of the European Commission, the Foreign Minister, and the Prime Minister of Armenia met in Brussels and effectively reached an agreement on a new cooperation framework. According to the information we have, the agreement reached prior to this meeting included a military component, but after the meeting, it was officially removed. However, de facto, it remains in place. This, in effect, excluded both the European Commission and the United States from the Azerbaijan-Armenia normalization process, and we have already informed them of this. If any party takes sides, it cannot be a fair mediator. This is why the request from the US Secretary of State last month was left unanswered, and Azerbaijan did not agree to a trilateral meeting. Furthermore, as you know, many meetings were held in Brussels at the initiative of the presidents of the European Commission and the Council of the European Union, but this has now been halted. Therefore, we are in favor of a bilateral negotiation format, and of course, Azerbaijan will continue to defend its position as a party to this issue.

Arming Armenia will only lead to new tensions, and we do not want that. We want peace. We want to close the chapter on war. However, we see that both Armenia itself and its new patrons do not share this goal. They are driven by ideas of revenge, and Armenia has become a source of threat to the region. The independent Armenian state is, in fact, a fascist state. For nearly 30 years, the country has been led by proponents of fascist ideology, and they have shaped the nation in this image. Consider the racist and fascist statements made by Armenia's first president - they are as ugly as they are dangerous. He portrays ethnic cleansing as something to be proud of, boasting about the expulsion of Azerbaijanis from their historical ancestral lands. This video, has most recently emerged. But, of course, this was already known in Armenia. Armenia's allies and supporters, too, were aware and shared these views. The 30-year occupation policy against us is not merely the result of Armenia's actions, but a joint effort of Islamophobic, Azerbaijanophobic, racist, and xenophobic circles, as well as representatives of foreign countries in solidarity with them. We live as neighbors to such a fascist state, and the threat of fascism persists. Therefore, fascism must be eradicated. Either the Armenian leadership will destroy it, or we will. We have no other choice.

Once again, we have had 30 years of occupation, the suffering of our people, the Khojaly genocide, and the ravaged, devastated Karabakh - these are all vivid memories. Who can guarantee that this will not happen again? No one! This is because the first three leaders of Armenia were proponents of fascist ideology. As I mentioned, the current leader of Armenia now wants to present himself as a dove of peace. But look, no one wants to remember his speeches from 2018-2019, not even his friends in France. This ideology persists, and its proponents are not just the current Armenian opposition but also the Armenian government. I want to reiterate that we cannot simply watch this as passive observers. Armenia must immediately cease arming itself. France and other countries that supply weapons to Armenia must terminate and cancel these contracts. The weapons that have already been delivered to Armenia must be returned. This is our condition. Let them interpret it as they wish. I give my word, they know this, and those who stand behind them know that if we say something, we are already treating this issue with the utmost seriousness.

I hope that all of our conditions for the peace treaty will be accepted, because there is nothing extraordinary about these conditions. The dissolution of the Minsk Group and the amendment of the constitution—without these, a peace treaty is impossible. If Armenia does not need a peace treaty, then we do not need it either. We can live and conduct our own policy without signing one. In other words, I would still advise the Armenian side to carefully consider everything, including the geopolitical changes happening in the world. Their close allies are being shamefully removed from the political scene. Just yesterday, it was reported that Mr. Trudeau, a close friend of Armenia and Pashinyan, was also forced to resign. This country, which was very anti-Azerbaijani during and after the Second Karabakh War, stands not far from France.

As for France, what is happening on the political scene there is clear for everyone to see. Yesterday, the French president made more absurd accusations against Azerbaijan. It seems that Mr. Macron cannot live without thinking about Azerbaijan. He seems to have some kind of obsession and wants to blame all his problems on us. If we have become so strong that we can influence the internal affairs of France and change something, then we can simply take pride in it. In fact, this statement is an admission of his own helplessness. A president of a prominent country is troubled by the actions of a small nation with a population of 10 million, located far away in the Caucasus region. However, we have nothing to do with the internal affairs of France. Simply put, this situation is the result of misguided approaches and irrelevant policies. In other words, Armenia should take this very seriously.

The Soros era has ended in America as well. The Biden administration, in fact, was largely governed by the Soros method of governance. It is no coincidence that one of Biden's final decisions was to award Soros America's highest honor. In other words, those who supported Soros are now losing their influence. The Armenian leadership should take this into account. They should also consider that their close ally in the Middle East, the Assad dictatorship, has already been consigned to the dustbin of history, and this process will continue. Therefore, they should make the right decision.

As Azerbaijan, we are not a source of danger for them. We seek peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus. They should not stand in our way. They should not act as a geographical barrier between Türkiye and Azerbaijan. The Zangezur corridor must and will be opened. The sooner they understand this, the better. Why should we have to go to Nakhchivan, an integral part of Azerbaijan, through indirect routes? We should have a direct connection, and this connection does not challenge Armenia's sovereignty. Simply put, they must fulfill the provisions of the 10 November Statement. Everything is clearly outlined there. We have shown patience for over four years. For more than four years, we have wanted this to be resolved through negotiations. How long must we wait, and why should we wait? In other words, they should consider all of this. I have said before that they should not frustrate us and understand that we are the ones who have the final say here. Azerbaijan is the leading economy, the leading military power, and the leading state in the South Caucasus. In today’s world, the power factor is paramount, and no one should forget this.

Vusal Matlab: Mr. President, I would like to ask a follow-up question based on what you just said. Armenia’s arms race and the serious efforts by some countries and forces to arm Armenia certainly pose a significant threat to the security of the region. However, there is another issue that concerns and worries us - the issue of our Great Return and reconstruction. Will these developments hinder our return? Will they cause delays?

President Ilham Aliyev: Of course, it does hinder us to a certain extent because a significant portion of the budget is allocated to military and security issues. If it weren't for Armenia's armament policy, I can say that not 8.4 billion, but perhaps 4 billion manats would have been sufficient for military and security matters, if we weren’t facing a potential threat. Therefore, part of this money would have gone toward the restoration of Karabakh, some would have gone to the development of other regions, and some would have been used for social programs. Despite this, the restoration of Karabakh and East Zangezur remains one of our top priorities, alongside military concerns. This year, at least 4 billion manats will be allocated. However, I believe we can mobilize even more. Over the past three years, we have managed to return former IDPs to 10 settlements, and this has already been reported in the media. More than 10,000 IDPs have already been provided with homes and are living there. In total, about 30,000 people now live and work in those areas, contributing in various sectors, including construction, government bodies, and other fields.

Our plans for next year are to return former IDPs to about 20 more settlements. The cities and villages have already been identified, and projects are underway. Construction work is currently underway in many villages and cities, and by the end of this year, former IDPs will be settled in about 30 settlements. We will probably complete the main infrastructure projects in a year or two. Most of the funds are going to these projects because more than 60 kilometers of tunnels, bridges, power plants, and reservoirs are under construction. We have already launched more than 30 hydroelectric power plants there, built railways. So, this is the primary financial burden. In about two to three years, the main infrastructure projects will be completed, and then even more will be channeled into the creation of the housing stock. But still, if we look at world history, we will see that no country that suffered from occupation and destruction has restored its territories at this pace and with this quality.

So, we are demonstrating both professionalism and a very serious attitude here. It is not just about financial resources. That is, there may be resources, but you must have human potential. We have also invested heavily in personnel training in recent years, and our technical capabilities are also extensive. Most of the work carried out there is done by Azerbaijani companies. Turkish companies are in second place. They are mostly involved in tunnels, bridges, and railway projects. So, we have very serious technical potential, human potential, financial resources, and a well-thought-out policy. I must also note that the design and construction of all settlements meet the highest standards. Now, you can look at any settlement and see how comfortable the houses are, whether they are apartments or private houses, along with all the infrastructure and workplaces. Two industrial parks are already operating. Notice that the products of the industrial park created in the city of Aghdam are now exported abroad. The city was destroyed, but industrial enterprises are already operating there and exporting products abroad.

I said immediately after the war that we would turn Karabakh into a paradise. In fact, this place is already a paradise due to its natural landscape and beauty. But with modern infrastructure, residential areas, workplaces, and comfort, this place will truly become one of the most beautiful places in the world. This is an extensive geography. Both Karabakh and East Zangezur, and at the same time, the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, which is not so far from it, should become a single space in terms of economy, social, green energy, and security, while these are three regions in our geography. At the same time, these historically interconnected regions are currently developing based on a single concept.

For example, this year we are also starting to prepare the master plans of the cities of Nakhchivan and Ordubad. In the following years, we will start preparing the master plans of other cities in the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic. All settlements in Karabakh and East Zangezur are built based on a single master plan. This will serve as a model. Then we will apply this to other regions of our country. So governance, infrastructure, and green energy projects there will cover the entire country. These are our plans. I can, of course, speak in more detail, but I will limit myself to providing general figures, given the time constraints. But I think that Azerbaijani television and other media are covering the processes taking place there sufficiently. Of course, I would like them to cover them even more extensively. Because something changes there every day, something is built every day, and former IDPs return there every week. Therefore, the more our media are interested in the processes taking place in that region and cover them, the better it will be.

Mr. President, this is somewhat a continuation of the topic raised by my colleagues and what you mentioned about France. There is indeed a very strange and surprising situation there. I am referring to the comments made by the French President, which you briefly touched upon. It seems that all of France’s problems stem from Azerbaijan. This is quite surprising. So, I would like to ask a few questions. First, as the head of state, given the developments in Azerbaijan-France relations over the past few years, have we reached rock bottom in these relations, or is there more to come? The second question: I would appreciate it if you could elaborate a bit more on this. You mentioned the reactions of the French President—do you see, and this might sound a bit odd, any personal factor at play here? Could it be that there are some personal reflections of the French President regarding Azerbaijan? Because, at times, it’s not entirely clear what France stands to gain from this situation. And the last question: Given the long history of Azerbaijan-France relations, with their ups and downs, do you agree with the opinion that Azerbaijan has, in a sense, become part of the internal political agenda in France? In other words, is it the case that a French politician feels compelled to speak out on Azerbaijan?

President Ilham Aliyev: Unfortunately, this is indeed the case. I will start with the last question. If there is any consensus in French political circles, it is a consensus solely based on Azerbaijanophobia. Sadly, not only the incumbent government but also those with ambitions to come to power do not differ much from each other. It is enough to recall the illegal trips to Karabakh during the period when Russian peacekeepers were present. These were made by the opponents of the current French President - such as the Mayor of Paris, who, by the way, ran for election, the governor of the region around Paris, who was also a rival of President Macron in the elections, and Mr. Barnier, who briefly held the position of Prime Minister recently. They all sought to make their mark. It is difficult for me to say exactly where the root of the matter lies, but there is likely some sort of synthesis at play here. Islamophobia and xenophobia, in general, are distinguishing features of the French political class, and not only that.

By the way, anti-Semitism is also well known to everyone. In addition, there is Armenian influence and the Armenian lobby. Many want to distinguish themselves in front of the Armenian community and gain some advantages, both now and in the future. They understand that being in power may be short-term, and in some cases, even brief. So, securing support for the future by saying, 'I am one of you,' is likely another factor at play.

Many, including, I believe, the leaders of the ruling class, saw our victory in 2020 as their own defeat, although there was no reason to think that way. Yet, for some reason, as you described, they took it personally. I say this based on my experience with representatives of France. Although I always tried to explain to them that this had nothing to do with them. In principle, we had nothing against them and did nothing wrong. It was them who went against us. During the 44-day war, I don't remember exactly how many times - six or seven - I received calls from the French President, attempting to stop our liberation struggle. After that, there were attempts to threaten us, including threats to recognize “Nagorno-Karabakh.” Now, when our relations have sunk to their lowest point, I can say this.

My response was that any country, it was after November 2020, which recognizes the so-called “Nagorno-Karabakh”, will immediately receive a note from us on the severance of diplomatic relations. That was my answer. And immediately the topic of recognizing the so-called “Nagorno-Karabakh” went off the agenda. They went in a different direction, recognized it through the Senate, through the Parliament, then they tried to justify themselves for a long time by saying that the government had nothing to do with that. In general, it is an old story. The second factor is personal perhaps, although I have never had any likes or dislikes in politics. What I thought, I always kept to myself and never even showed my attitude towards those who deserved it – I mean negative attitude. I think that another factor here is the political immaturity of the French leadership. I had the opportunity to work and communicate with three French presidents before Mr. Macron, and the relations between our countries have always developed very successfully. If we take the EU member states, those were probably the most active relations in that period before the current government – political, mutual visits, economic and cultural. We had twinning relations with 13 cities of France. There were so many cultural events.

When we talk about political immaturity, we need to consider the biographies - take, for example, the biography of President Chirac, with his extensive experience in public service, government work, and leading a city like Paris. Or President Sarkozy, who also gained significant experience in state affairs, eventually, becoming one of the key ministers - the Minister of the Interior, a position in France that holds much broader responsibilities than it may appear. Then there’s President Hollande, who led a political party, worked his way up to become a candidate, and eventually President. And then we look at the biography of the current President. I don’t want to go any further into that. I think there has been an exaggeration of one’s own role and a complete identification of the country with oneself, which should not happen. The country is separate, and the president is separate. If a country is great, any country, the president should strive to reflect that greatness. If a country is backward and the president is progressive, then he should work to elevate the country to his level. So, these are the factors at play, I think. But again, if there is a personal factor, it was definitely not initiated by Azerbaijan.

Is there a limit to how low things can go? It’s hard to say. I will tell you one more thing, which we have never discussed publicly, but I think it might help us get out of the crisis. Over the past few months, we have been receiving signals from representatives of the French government about establishing contacts - there have been three or four such attempts - from different individuals reaching out to our representatives. Our response has always been, 'We are ready.' Yes, we are ready today, but we will not go anywhere - neither to Paris nor to Brussels. If you want to meet with us, you can meet with us here in Baku. But at some point, there is a vacuum and silence again.

Recently, there was another diplomatic message, let’s call it a verbal one, suggesting we talk and discuss. Again, we are ready. We have nothing to dispute with them, and no claims against this country. The main thing is that they do not touch us, do not interfere in our affairs, and do not meddle in the affairs of the South Caucasus. This is a demand we are making quite clearly. Because wherever the French authorities interfere, first and foremost, they fail shamefully, and second, they only bring intrigue - nothing but intrigue. There’s no point in discussing Africa; everything is obvious. The same applies to the South Caucasus. In Azerbaijan, their presence is nearly nonexistent, except for some companies with long-term contracts. We always respect our obligations, so we have never let political difficulties affect the operations of companies. The French companies still operating here should not be blamed for having such a government. The attempts to destabilize Georgia are obvious. It’s no secret that it was done so undiplomatically and publicly that it’s even surprising for a country with such diplomatic traditions. Full control over Armenia is also a reality. But it won’t work, and they need to realize that if they want a presence in the South Caucasus, they’ll have to talk to us. We’ll see. Anyway, I’ve shared a bit more than I usually do, but considering your question and the fact that we didn’t go below the basement, I think it will be useful for everyone to have some new information.

Sanan Rzayev: Thank you.

Nigar Sabirgizi: Mr. President, my next question will be about relations with Iran. I believe that your views on this issue might be interesting to everyone. Recently, in the last few years, Iran-Azerbaijan relations have been going through ups and downs. Sometimes this country exhibits incomprehensible behavior towards Azerbaijan, which causes certain tensions between the two countries. Just a few days ago, the Foreign Ministry of Azerbaijan expressed its protest to the Iranian side regarding another manifestation of such behavior. I would like to know your assessment of the current Azerbaijan-Iran relations and what policy you expect from the current Iranian leadership in the future?

President Ilham Aliyev: It is a bit early to talk about this. Because we have not had any serious contacts with the current Iranian leadership yet. There have been certain contacts between members of the government. They were more related to economic and transport issues – the issues that, in principle, are separate from our political agenda. We never mix them.

Again, the deterioration of our relations with the previous government was not our fault. I simply want to recall some points. After the end of the Second Karabakh War, when we secured visual observation of the Lachin road, we began to see that fuel trucks from Iran were regularly making trips to Karabakh from Armenia. I instructed my assistant, and he spoke to the then-Iranian Ambassador to Azerbaijan on the phone and asked him to stop this. We don't want to make this public, so we are asking you to stop. This is not good, we are seeing this, and this is our territory. You are doing illegal things here. Unfortunately, this did not stop after that and only intensified. Then, as a second step, we summoned the Iranian Ambassador to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and presented him a note of protest and made this public.

This was followed by developments that were both amusing and sad. Fake Armenian license plates were attached to Iranian fuel trucks, as if they were Armenian. But there were also Persian inscriptions on them. This surprised us very much. And we started investigating. We saw that the same license plate was attached to several vehicles, i.e. the plate was the same, but the vehicles were different. In other words, this fraud was so sloppy that one is truly lost for words. After that, we stopped a vehicle, the drivers were stopped, and we saw that their travel documents stated Stepanakert, Armenia. In other words, this was a clear disrespect for our territorial integrity and sovereignty.

After that, the infamous attempts at intimidation began—military exercises, statements, and threats directed at us. We responded in kind. If any training or military exercises were conducted near our border, we carried out similar actions on our side of the Azerbaijan-Iran border. In other words, we showed that we are not intimidated by anyone and that we are on the right side. At the same time, this was accompanied by a campaign of insults in the press because this, apparently, is the style of work of some ruling circles. In fact, insults are a symbol of weakness. If you cannot achieve something – I mean people who are rude – they resort to insults. The one using insults actually insults himself.

Then came the news about the resolution issue from Iran and other reports. Following that, an act of terror was committed against our embassy—an organized terrorist attack. Several factors provided grounds to label it as such. First, for about 40 minutes, not a single police car arrived at the scene, despite the fact that this was happening in the center of the capital. Additionally, the person responsible for the attack was quickly declared mentally ill the very next day. However, any medical examination takes several days. This person appeared in the press on the very day he committed the terror and gave interviews. Two years have passed since that incident. To this day, the individual responsible has not faced the sentence that was handed down to him. All of this points to the fact that it was an organized act. It was a display of weakness, and the Azerbaijani side responded with appropriate measures. You know that we recalled all our embassy personnel, and only when we were officially promised – the late Iranian Foreign Minister, Mr. Abdollahian, who died in a helicopter crash, came here and promised me that the person would be sentenced to death – did we return the embassy employees. But they deceived us again. Because this death sentence was not executed, the case was sent back to court for investigation. In other words, this was an incomprehensible act at the state level, and we insist on our demands. We know that death sentences in Iran are pronounced for less serious crimes and are immediately executed. But here, two years later, not only has it not been carried out, the case has actually been sent back for further investigation.

So this is one side of the issue. It is difficult to analyze the relations with the new government because I have not personally met with the new President. If and when it happens, then I can talk about it.

As for the provincial mullah's hateful attitude towards us, this is not the first time. That mullah from the city of Ardabil has repeatedly used insulting language against Azerbaijan, the Azerbaijani people, including me. The real question is about the attitude of the person who appointed him to that position. After all, he didn’t just arrive and sit there on his own. We know exactly who appointed him. What is their reaction? Do they support this act or not? And who will apologize to Azerbaijan? Will they apologize, or will they not?

The regret in the statement of the Iranian Foreign Ministry is not enough. There was an open insult: both the presidents of Türkiye and Azerbaijan, our peoples, and during a live broadcast at an official event. And only regret? This, of course, is unacceptable. Therefore, we believe that the provincial mullah should be punished. At the very least, he should be dismissed from his post and made to apologize to Azerbaijan. This is the point.

Nigar Sabirgizi: Thank you very much.

Guy Shawn: Mr. President, Azerbaijan has increased its gas exports to many countries in Europe - Italy, Greece, Hungary, and Türkiye. Could you tell us about your vision for Azerbaijan in helping to secure energy resources for Europe in the future?

President Ilham Aliyev: Yes, our gas exports are growing, and we are now expanding the geography of gas supplies using different infrastructure projects, the main one being the Southern Gas Corridor, but also there are extensions. Due to the new interconnectors, which have been inaugurated relatively recently in Europe, our access to different markets is possible.

In 2022, as you know, when the Russian-Ukrainian war led to disruption of Russian gas supplies to Europe, the European Commission turned to Azerbaijan, asking for help. At that time, the President of the European Commission came to Baku, exactly here we signed that declaration just outside this room. So we said, “Okay, we are ready to help you and to increase, to double our gas supply to Europe.” At that time, our gas supply to Europe was 7 billion cubic meters.

And we started to work on that. We started to invest and look for opportunities to move our gas through different interconnectors. Since then, the number of countries in Europe that are now recipients of our gas has grown, and now it's equal to 10. So, in total, it is 12 countries, and 10 of them are European, with eight out of the 10 being EU members. So, we expanded the geography, and increased the volume of gas. For many countries, members of the European Union, Azerbaijani gas now makes about half of their domestic consumption. This is really a serious support, which we demonstrate to our partners in Europe. Our future plans are to expand the geography. We are already in negotiations with some other European countries, which are close to those already receiving our gas. I think that is possible in the coming years.

But again, since 2022 until now, there has been a dramatic change. Because at that time, our gas exports were limited to Georgia, Türkiye, Greece, and Italy - that was it. Then, we added Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Serbia, North Macedonia, Slovakia, Croatia, and Hungary. All of this happened in a relatively short period of time. So, we have resources, because our proven resources are growing. Many years ago, they were estimated at the level of 2.6 trillion cubic meters, but now, with new discoveries and more to come, it will be more. This year, we hope to get the first gas from ACG, the so-called “Deep Gas” project, which will be a substantial contribution to overall gas production. We are planning to work with the partners in order to increase gas production from the Absheron field from 1.5 to 5 BCM, understanding that the main supply of gas will still be Shah Deniz, which will remain as it is; and many more promising projects like Karabakh, Babek, Asiman, and others. This will increase our potential.

So now, the main issue is how to get to new destinations. For that, there should be additional investments in Europe in order to expand the existing interconnectors or maybe to build more. Even now, with the coverage of 12 countries by pipeline gas, Azerbaijan, I think, is now one of the leading countries in the world with such a broad geography, and in Europe, also one of the leading countries with respect to geography. Geography is as important as volume because for some countries, even 1 billion cubic meters makes a lot of difference. So, we treat our commitments with a high level of responsibility. Of course, in answering this question, I cannot avoid one issue that must also be addressed. We invest a lot, and we try to help the European Union cope with the shortage of gas. At the same time, we are facing a situation where European banks are no longer financing fossil fuel projects. On one hand, they ask us for additional supply. On the other hand, they deprive us of funds.

For instance, the European Investment Bank has completely stopped financing fossil fuel projects. The EBRD, as far as I know, still has a very small share. If this continues, then there will be no means to invest, because in this business, you use your corporate financing for about 30%, but you borrow the rest of the money. So, where are we going to borrow the money from? Or Europeans want to build interconnectors between themselves? So, this is an issue, I think, that should be addressed, and the second, not the second, but another issue is the timetable for supplies. With the green transition, the share of fossil fuels in the European Union area will go down. So, what will happen? There are a lot of open issues, and we are dealing with them in regular consultations with European officials. If the European Union needs more gas from us, they should also do their homework. We are doing ours. They should do theirs.

Nigar Sabirgizi: Mr. President, your perspective on what is happening in the Middle East is interesting. 2024 was marked by wars in Gaza and Lebanon, Iran-Israel tensions, the overthrow of the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria, and the current Türkiye factor at play in the Middle East. In this regard, I would like to learn your views on what is happening in that region.

President Ilham Aliyev: Yes, we are very happy that changes have taken place in Syria and, of course, with the relations between Türkiye and the new Syrian government. Because Syria is a country bordering Türkiye, and every country wants to see a stable situation beyond its borders. In particular, Türkiye, which is suffering from terrorism, PKK terrorism, rightfully demands the elimination of terrorism on the other side of its borders, and not only demands it but is also achieving it. I have already expressed my views on this issue. Türkiye’s role in the development of Syria is, of course, very important. After the collapse of the Assad regime, I called President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and we congratulated each other on this occasion. I also stated that we are ready to stand by Türkiye and have already started doing so. With Türkiye’s support, the first aid convoy was sent. Without Türkiye’s support, without its logistical support, this would not have been possible. Also, the dispatch of our Foreign Ministry delegation there was also done with the support of Türkiye. In other words, we want to make our contribution here to put an end to terrorism, at least along this border of Türkiye, and I believe this will be a very serious geopolitical change, leading to the establishment of peace, stability, and cooperation in a large geography. Of course, there should be no place for terrorism along any of Türkiye’s borders. As an ally of Türkiye, we always stand with them in any form, and the Turkish side knows this. Just as Türkiye is with us in any form and on every issue, so are we with it. Our Declaration on Allied Relations grows stronger with new elements every day. Returning to the question you just asked about D8, Türkiye was the one who supported us the most. Türkiye was the first to congratulate us. Therefore, whatever is in Türkiye’s interest, it is in our interest too. Our security, interests, and future are aligned. Both in the Middle East and Europe – as we briefly discussed – a new situation is emerging, with a strong Türkiye influence playing a key role. We stand with Türkiye. In other words, our power will grow even further. The vast geography encompassing Europe, Asia, the South Caucasus, and the Caspian basin is already a significant geopolitical factor. Military strength, political influence, economic potential, and unity – today, it is impossible to find countries as interconnected as Türkiye and Azerbaijan anywhere else in the world. Therefore, we remain hopeful, and the changes in Syria make us very optimistic - first for Türkiye, and second for us. For 12 years, we had no relations with Syria. Our embassy was shut down. During the Assad era, Syria always sided with Armenia. In fact, it was united with Armenia against us. Just look at the letters Pashinyan sent to Assad and the official delegations he sent – the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Speaker of Parliament, and his deputy. They regarded Syria as a close ally, but that chapter has now ended.

Our position on the Israeli-Palestinian issue remains unchanged. We have always been in favor of the creation, i.e. the existence of two states. The creation of an independent Palestinian state will put an end to this conflict. I think everyone should understand this. As you know, we have been supporting the Palestinian state for many years – politically, morally, and materially - and this continues. The Palestinian embassy has been operating in Azerbaijan for many years. We have also opened a representative office in Palestine, and of course, the sooner this conflict ends and a ceasefire is declared in Gaza, the better it will be for everyone. We wish for this, and we also take the activities of the Arab League as a basis here. Because this is more of an issue for the Arab world, and the Arab League is the organization representing the Arab world, and whatever its position is, we share it. We have actively participated in all the events of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and will continue to do so. In other words, our position is completely clear.

Vafa Aghabalayeva: Mr. President, our world is changing, our cities are evolving, and, of course, the system of governance is also transforming. Azerbaijan, being part of the global community, is not left out of these developments. For instance, heads of executive authorities are being replaced by special representatives of the president, and holdings are being established to manage large organizations from a unified platform. My question is related to your Order: What is the purpose of establishing the Azerbaijan Transport and Communication Holding (AZCON), and what are your expectations for this institution?

President Ilham Aliyev: Over the past few years, a new model of governance has been applied to state-owned companies. Boards of directors have been created, state officials have been appointed to the positions of heads of boards of directors. Thus, the problems of state-owned companies were fully revealed. For many years, state-owned companies, unfortunately, were not only natural monopolies, but also loss-making companies. There were many reasons for that. The main reason was the flaws and violations in governance. To put an end to this, a decision has already been made by me, and a new governance model has been created in all companies – there are not many of them, there are about 10 state-owned companies – and we have immediately begun to see positive aspects of this. SOCAR, which was operating at a loss for many years and yet kept turning to the state budget, is now operating at a profit. Azerbaijan Airlines, which was operating at a loss for many years and yet kept receiving subsidies from the state, is now operating at a profit, and if I am not mistaken, last year's income was at the level of several hundred million manats. Now it will meet its own needs. The same holds true for the railway administration. Other companies that used to receive government aid for many years now operate with revenue of approximately 100-150 million manats. So this was the first stage. That stage of consolidation and personnel reform has already ended.

As for AZCON, its goal is to create the transport sector as a platform under a single umbrella. Because although the positive changes I mentioned in governance did take place, coordination between transport institutions was weak, and considering that our main source of income and one of the factors strengthening our political weight will be transport and connectivity in the coming years, of course, we had to create a fully transparent and coordinated mechanism here. There are many examples, for instance, related to freight transportation – for the Caspian Shipping Company, it is more profitable to transport one type of cargo, for the railway, it is more profitable to transport a different type of cargo. To what extent does the port serve as an intermediary mechanism in this context? The goal is to prioritize the transportation of cargo based on state interests, determining both which cargo is transported and how. In parallel, the digitalization process of the transport sector is underway. Necessary measures have been taken, and instructions have been issued in this direction, including enabling the sender to constantly track their cargo during customs clearance. Additionally, artificial obstacles, violations, and natural delays will be eliminated. We aim to make the East-West transportation corridor more economically viable through the proper regulation of tariffs. Furthermore, we must eliminate artificial barriers to ensure cargo can be transported even more efficiently."

As for tariffs, there is one tariff for the railway, one for the international port, and one for shipping, and there is a discrepancy between these tariffs. There are many other details that necessitated the creation of a unified system, and we have created it. I am sure that the entity to be formed will soon prove effective. In parallel, urban transport problems are also in sight. We once implemented a number of major projects to ease urban transport and reduce traffic jams. Many people may have forgotten about it now, the younger generation may not even know about that. There were so many problems in the past, even the number of roundabouts people had to pass to get from here to the city – the Mardakan roundabout, the Sabunchu roundabout, the Koroghlu roundabout, then the Surakhani roundabout, there traffic jams at every roundabout, the airport-city road had only four lanes, but it actually had three lanes. The second road, what we call a concrete road, did not exist at all. It would take time to list these. This is why a number of tunnels and road junctions were built in the past. But now we see that the number of vehicles is still increasing, people are buying more cars, and economic activity is increasing. Again, the city is beginning to suffocate in traffic jams. This is why this issue was highlighted by me. The master plan has been prepared now. There are issues of coordination between bus transport and metro here. We have recently put several metro stations into operation. But this is not enough, and 10 new metro stations will be built on my instructions. Their locations have also been selected, and starting this year, investments will be made. At the same time, the first seven to eight projects have already been selected to implement new road infrastructure projects in Baku. International experts have been involved. Which roads should we give priority to? Sometimes a new road is opened, but it leads to an increase in traffic jams, not a decrease. In other words, international experience is very important here, and this issue will definitely be resolved.

Also, the process of replacing the city bus fleet with electric buses has also begun. We have already brought more than 150 new electric buses. At the same time, electric bus production will also begin in Azerbaijan this year. This work is underway. According to the information I have received, the first electric buses produced in Azerbaijan will be delivered in October-November, and this will have a very positive impact on the air in our city. Because we know that the biggest source of air pollution is vehicles, especially large vehicles.

Other projects are also underway. Just for your information, we are now installing electronic scales on our highways. We started this last year, and this process will be continued this year. Scales will be installed on all highways. Because what happens is that a new road is built, but then some businesses overload their trucks so much that they damage the road. Therefore, after the first electronic scales were installed, this has already stopped thanks to large fines. Now freight companies themselves measure the weight of the cargo in order to avoid fines.

Many innovations based on modern technologies are and will be implemented. Perhaps the Azerbaijani media should also cover this a bit more. These are issues that legitimately concern people. Therefore, we will put these things in order. It will probably take five years to build 10 stations. But it will take less to build roads. Naturally, the Azerbaijani public will be regularly updated about these issues.

Vusal Matlab: At the beginning of the interview, you mentioned that we are at the beginning of the formation of a new world order. We would like to know what possible impacts this order could have on the South Caucasus and what scenarios Azerbaijan is preparing for?

President Ilham Aliyev: In fact, we must be active participants in this process. We should not just wait to see how the new order will unfold. We must do our work and continue to pursue our agenda. Because the South Caucasus is our region, and Azerbaijan, as the leading country in this area, certainly has a special weight from the perspective of responsibility. Therefore, we see the new order as a just order. If it can be expressed in one word, it should be justice, which actually aligns with the policy that Azerbaijan has pursued for many years. This is how we see it now: sovereignty, independence, non-interference in each other's affairs, and not aggravating the internal situation of countries under various pretexts. All of this is, in fact, the line of our foreign policy. Azerbaijan has pursued this policy for many years. We do not interfere in anyone's affairs; we focus on our own work. When someone approaches us, we try not to leave those requests unanswered.

With our policy and investments, we have effectively created a new transportation and energy map in the South Caucasus. One side of us stretches across the Caspian Sea to Central Asia, and the other to Europe. In this vast geography, Azerbaijan is effectively becoming an indispensable country. It is enough to simply look at the map for everyone to see that Azerbaijan, which seeks to connect Central Asia and the Western world, cannot be bypassed. They cannot achieve this without us, with modern infrastructure, stability, a well-thought-out policy, and openness to the world. In other words, we are contributing to the new world order with our actions because sometimes this may go unnoticed. But I know that Azerbaijan's actions in recent years are being analyzed very thoroughly, very seriously. In world history, there has been no other country that restored its territorial integrity by its own strength, at least when we look at the recent and mid-past. We have achieved this, despite all the pressures, threats, and dangers. The number of countries capable of pursuing an independent foreign policy is quite small.

Look, now let's return to Canada. With just one word from President Trump, the Prime Minister of Canada resigned. After all, Canada produces 10 times more oil than Azerbaijan – 300 million tons, yet its population is only 40 million. So, can 300 million tons of oil, even without considering other economic factors, be enough to sustain a population of 40 million? Look at how poor their economy is; if America imposes additional tariffs on them, their economy could collapse. And when Mr. Trump suggests that Canada should be the 51st state and Mr. Trudeau should be the governor, of course, this can be seen as trolling. But in fact, there might be some logic in these words. What I’m saying is, look at the European countries, how dependent they are on power centers and sometimes on other factors. Therefore, there are not many countries capable of conducting independent foreign policy. That is why our policy in this area justifiably increases the respect towards us, and I am confident that when the new world order fully takes shape, Azerbaijan’s position will be considered, at least in the South Caucasus and the Caspian region, and we must be prepared for that.

Of course, how this process will unfold on a global scale, I cannot say. Perhaps this still has not been fully defined. But this is undeniable, and I believe we will see this soon, and I have said this several times. If each country focuses on its internal affairs, there will be no war, no conflict, and no confrontation. Everyone should mind their own business within their borders and not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. Of course, such a world might seem utopic. Historically, imperialist forces have approached this with the "divide and rule" principle, completely controlling colonies and plundering their resources to create states for themselves. But this must end, and the disgusting practice of colonialism must be brought to an end. I believe that this issue will also be considered in the new world order. However, I believe even more strongly that the sovereignty of nations must be inviolable and protected, and no one should interfere in anyone else's affairs. We have achieved this. No one can interfere in our affairs. Have there been attempts? Yes, there have been. Will there be more? Probably. But have these attempts been successful? No, and they won't be. Many countries, right before our eyes, are subjected to foreign intervention, which actually undermines the moral and genetic fabric of those nations. Weak countries are often subjected to foreign values, negative values. When I say weak, I don't mean a country is inherently weak. If the leaders are weak, then the country is considered weak. That is why we are prepared for this, with our own agenda – and we do have an agenda. Our policy already reflects this, and once again, I say, our contribution to this matter will be significant.

Vafa Aghabalayeva: Mr. President, I believe this question is relevant to the topic, so I would like to address it. A strange tendency has emerged, with many people eagerly waiting for January 20 – Trump's inauguration. They believe that certain processes will unfold after that. In your interview with the 'Rossiya Segodnya' agency, you mentioned that you see Trump as being on the same side as us. Additionally, at the Shusha Media Forum, in response to one of the questions directed at you, we heard positive messages about President Trump, who was still a candidate at that time. What do you think? Or let me phrase the question this way: Do you believe Joe Biden has changed the world in such a way that Mr. Trump's job will now be more difficult?

President Ilham Aliyev: It is possible. However, at the same time, Mr. Trump comes to power with a completely new agenda, and during his first term, there was no issue in U.S.-Azerbaijan relations. On the contrary, the relations were very positive, and we were able to make progress in many areas. The main mistake of the Biden administration regarding Azerbaijan was that they sacrificed U.S.-Azerbaijan relations for U.S.-Armenia relations. In other words, they approached Azerbaijan through the lens of the Armenia-Azerbaijan or U.S.-Armenia relations, and the good results achieved up until that point were overshadowed, which is the first point. Secondly, they demonstrated an unfair stance towards Azerbaijan, particularly regarding the Karabakh issue, and this was both an unjust and a position based on double standards. Because I have repeatedly told American representatives, and said it openly, even in the media: you support Ukraine's territorial integrity with both hands, you provide weapons and billions of dollars. We have restored our territorial integrity, why do you want to punish us? Answer that. And there was no response. The answer is clear: it is double standards. At the same time, I believe one of the mistakes of the Biden administration was that it significantly undermined trust in America through its own actions. For example, if we return to the Afghanistan issue, Azerbaijan was one of the first countries to join the mission in Afghanistan, sending military contingents and increasing them multiple times. Azerbaijan also resolved critical transportation and logistics issues for the United States. Until they needed us, the Section 907 was waived, but when we were no longer needed, it was reinstated. What does this mean? It has a name: ingratitude. This is ingratitude, and what trust can we talk about? What long-term cooperation can there be? As I mentioned earlier, Soros being awarded with this high honor tore away all the masks. This was the Soros government, both during Biden’s term and during the eight years before Trump, and precisely because of this, there has been no progress in our relations. We established the primary cooperation platform with America during the Clinton and George Bush administrations, and this continued during Trump’s term.

Therefore, there is hope. I said at the Shusha Forum, back in July – when nobody knew who would win or lose, and the famous Trump-Biden debates hadn’t yet taken place – that, simply from Azerbaijan's perspective and as an individual, I expressed my position that Trump promotes the values shared by our society: family values, moral values – he promotes these values. Just look at his family. Now, I don't want to comment on the families of others, but it's become so public now. Also, what can we say about the Biden administration’s behavior? Lying, making promises, then retracting them and acting as if nothing happened – what can we call this? That’s why not only Azerbaijani society, but the hopes of all countries lie in the fact that this immorality, this lack of ethics, will come to an end. Societies like Azerbaijan, which are based on traditional values, will be able to shake off these external influences. That’s the first point. The second is, as I have said, Mr. Trump sends very clear, direct messages with his statements. Now, it might not be possible to analyze all of them, but I can say that the vast majority of them are shared by Azerbaijani society. Therefore, hopes are high. That’s why I said that there is hope, there is great hope. This includes the possibility of advancing U.S.-Azerbaijan strategic relations. I believe that if both sides are interested, we can elevate U.S.-Azerbaijan relations to a strategic level.

Sanan Rzayev: Mr. President, I have a question about Azerbaijan’s relations with the European Union. History shows that these relations have not been homogeneous, with various moments of change. Last year, the composition of the European Parliament, which just prints resolutions on Azerbaijan en masse, changed. There is a relatively new composition of the European Commission, which includes some older members and some new ones. You have said a few words about that. There are fairly contradictory moments. On one hand, the European Union is our largest trade partner, meaning the member states of the European Union, but on the other hand, there is this so-called Peace Facility, through which they are planning to pump money for arms, or arms directly, to Armenia. Also, on the one hand, when answering the questions of my colleagues, you spoke about the energy sector and that we are supplying them with gas. They need gas. But on the other, there are, let's say, representatives of the European Union, the so-called civilian mission, looking at our country through binoculars. All this is quite contradictory. I would like to know what your expectations this year are from the point of view of Azerbaijan and the European Union. What will outweigh – these negative aspects or the positive ones? And what is, in your opinion, the main antidote to this situation? Because there may be an impression that this fund, these so-called observers, they are just dragged here to spoil our relations with Brussels.

President Ilham Aliyev: It is difficult to predict how our relations with the European Commission will develop. However, I must say that last year was full of disappointments. The European Union unequivocally took Armenia's side in the normalization process. There are numerous facts to support this, which you are also well aware of. The way the so-called observation mission of the European Union was extended did not strengthen trust but, on the contrary, undermined it. When we demanded that this be agreed upon with us, it was not due to inflated ambitions but simply because the very establishment of this mission and its deployment to our border had been agreed with us - personally with me - in Prague in October 2022. If we agreed then that it would involve 40 people for two months, then that is how it should be. When I agree to something, even verbally, I always honor those agreements.

But in this case, Europe felt entitled to violate these agreements. Without any notification or our consent, they not only extended this mission but also expanded it and even involved a country that is not a member of the European Union, further undermining trust. Then came those disgraceful displays with binoculars, where they donned semi-military gear and boots, parading around as if they were combatants. I don’t want to show them how quickly they might run if someone even accidentally sneezes on Azerbaijani territory, but we’re tempted. This is why we told them to stop these binocular theatrics, and it seems they have. Yet recently, the President of a European country had the audacity to look at Azerbaijan through binoculars. What didn’t he see here in Baku a week ago when he was requesting a meeting with me? If he needed to see something, I could have sent him to Karabakh to observe the mountains. But this is a demonstration - it’s deliberate and symbolic. It reflects an attitude. Looking through binoculars as if observing an enemy - if this is how you treat Azerbaijan, how else can we treat you? I’m not even mentioning the destructive role of the former High Representative for Foreign Affairs. But these actions, along with many others, have been a source of disappointment.

What happens next, I don’t know. The commission is new, although some individuals remain the same. Still, it is a new commission, and whatever attitude it shows toward Azerbaijan and its national interests, the same attitude will be reciprocated. If it is normal and constructive, I believe we can return to a constructive course. What the European Union achieved last year was the complete removal of itself from the process of normalization between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Moreover, if the process of supplying arms to Armenia through the so-called Peace Facility continues, there will be adequate actions from our side. I am not even mentioning the disgraceful behavior of the European Parliament. By the way, the new composition doesn’t differ much from the old one - the same Azerbaijanophobia and the same baseless aggression.

We do not remember them at all - neither the European Parliament nor its members. We do not even know who these people are. Yet, they have made fighting against Azerbaijan the purpose of their lives. I am not even mentioning the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which began discriminating against us barely three months after we restored our sovereignty - and for precisely that reason. If, as they claim, they acted due to alleged violations of human rights, they could have done so at any point over the past 20 years. Why didn’t they? That is the real reason. I once noted that we have shifted enormous blocks - perhaps even larger than we realize. This is not just a purely local conflict that was resolved against the wishes of many Europeans and others. They wanted to keep us dependent, to come here, lecture us, participate, travel, and monitor us. We deprived them of all of that.

But we are offering normal relations: let's cooperate normally and equally. We do not depend on you, we do not expect anything from you, we do not break into your family, especially since you will never accept a country with a Muslim population, frankly speaking. So let's be good neighbors, let's cooperate, please, trade, sell, buy, and acquire technologies. Unfortunately, all their activities have led to the fact that we have curtailed all programs with the EU. All twinning programs have been curtailed, all EU grants have been frozen, those that were legal. There were partly illegal ones, money was delivered here across the border, mainly through Georgia, again through the structures that are handy to Soros, but this is no longer the case, and our law enforcement agencies can track all that. As for legal grants – we refused, because they were aimed at creating their own platforms on our territory with far-reaching plans, mainly focused on young people.

Unfortunately, we see that some representatives of Azerbaijani youth have chosen the path of betrayal—pure betrayal—collaborating with Armenians. This is the result of brainwashing through so-called grant programs funded by organizations like the NED (National Endowment for Democracy) and EED (European Endowment for Democracy). Even their naming reveals that they are clones: one is 'National,' and the other is 'European.' This is what they have managed to achieve, and they will likely continue. However, an even higher wall will be erected to counter these efforts. So, how will they implement their policy of rapprochement with Central Asian countries? How? Will they communicate through Russia? I doubt it. Through Iran, perhaps? I doubt that as well. Will they dig a tunnel under Azerbaijan? Probably not. Therefore, they should approach the situation with sobriety and recognize Azerbaijan as a reliable partner—one that has never acted against Europe or any European country. Azerbaijan has only responded in kind and will continue to do so: good for good and evil for evil, so to speak.

Nigar Sabirgizi: Mr. President, if I may, I would like to ask a slightly different question. You mentioned earlier that no one can interfere in our affairs. Of course, it is an undeniable fact that, thanks to your determination, Azerbaijan has become a power not only in our region but also globally. As you mentioned earlier, Macron cannot live without Azerbaijan; he sees Azerbaijan as a power and accuses us of interfering in France's internal affairs. Or, just a few days ago, with the infamous plane incident, the Russian President apologized to Azerbaijan. This was the first time the Russian state has apologized to another country. Many did not believe this would happen, but it did. And all these events show that Azerbaijan is a strong state, and they understand they must reckon with us. What does it feel like to be the President of a geographically small but victorious and strong country?

President Ilham Aliyev: How should I put it? First of all, it is a great responsibility. First and foremost, I approach my duty in this way: every day, every hour, day and night. Secondly, it is a great honor. Of course, I have been especially happy lately. For the past four years, my life has been completely different. All of our lives are different. We all live, wake up, and travel abroad with a completely different mindset. To live, work, and engage in international contacts as a representative, especially the leader, of a victorious country is a completely different feeling. Considering that for 17 years, we were in a completely different situation—despite being in the right, we were considered wrong. During these 17 years, there were many moments that remained out of the public eye, moments that deeply angered, saddened, and hurt. Injustice - because, how should I put it, the greatest injustice is injustice itself.

Today, the foundation of progress in every field and aspect lies in positive emotions, good spirits, the comfort of our society, and a sense of self-confidence. I know that the Azerbaijani people stand behind me. The Azerbaijani people also know that I stand with them - this is a unique feeling. Many may not have experienced this, especially as someone who has led the country during two different periods, which perhaps makes it a unique experience. Even though four years have passed, it is still difficult to fully comprehend. I have visited the liberated territories perhaps more than 100 times, and every time I go, I say the same words to myself, share the same joy. It feels as if I am there for the first time. Just as you feel, I feel the same. Of course, there is a sense of responsibility and pride. We live in a country where, first and foremost, we can take pride in our nation and our people.

Nigar Sabirgizi: Thank you very much.

Vafa Aghabalayeva: I recently came across an interview you gave in the early years of your presidency. In that interview, you mentioned: "When I came to power, I thought there was indeed justice and law in the world, and that they were functioning, but over time, I realized that they don’t work."

I would like to touch on a point—under your leadership, Azerbaijan has consistently stood by small states and island nations. Azerbaijani television channels have reported from these regions, even when mainstream media remained silent, ignored the truth, or sought to hide it. These reports have shed light on the struggles of countries in West Africa, on islands, in Corsica, and in New Caledonia - regions ravaged by neocolonial politics. From what I’ve observed, ordinary people in these areas are genuinely grateful to Azerbaijan and its leader. Believe me, they know you personally for standing up for justice. My question is this: regarding neocolonial politics, what will Azerbaijan’s goals be in the next phase? Will we continue to lead this mission and expand our efforts?

President Ilham Aliyev: Yes, this will continue. Azerbaijani society has already put forward its position, and the activities of the Baku Initiative Group are expanding and growing year by year. Again, I say, if this process began for certain reasons, today it has already become a part of our lives. And especially meeting with the representatives of these regions, listening to their problems in their own words, and seeing in their eyes the longing and exhausted hopes is both difficult and very familiar. We were in a very similar situation for many years. During the period when we were not independent, we lived with a passion for independence, at least the majority of our society did. We gained independence and were immediately subjected to occupation, and even before that. This injustice was a part of our lives, and we freed ourselves from this injustice with the will of our people.

However, these peoples practically have no access to any mass media outlets. They are oppressed, and the injustice they face has become a normalized reality. The number of organizations or individuals willing to defend them is very small. As I have mentioned before, no one wants to stir trouble or confront the so-called big powers. Yet, we are doing it - and we will continue to do so. As long as these colonial practices persist, we will stand by those peoples. Azerbaijani society now sees this as a moral duty. As you pointed out, when our television channels visit these regions and witness the conditions of these people firsthand, they expose this bitter reality once again.

To be honest, even I wasn’t very aware of these regions about ten years ago. However, the recent hurricane and the information that came to light as a result deeply shocked me. Who would have thought that in an area considered part of France, 70-75% of the population lives in poverty? Why should this happen in France? The President of France goes there and says that without France, you would live 10,000 times worse. How much worse can it get? Seventy-five percent living in poverty, 30-40% of housing stock dilapidated and in condemned condition. If this is France, then it turns out that France is a poor country. Keeping that region as a strategic outpost, exploiting its natural resources, oppressing its people, subjecting them to assimilation, and depriving them of their identity, language, and culture is barbaric. This brings no honor to any country.

Until recent years, all of this was hidden. No one talked about it, and no one invited people from those regions anywhere. But when justified protests began there, look at how brutally France responded - 13 people were killed, and 1,000 were arrested. They were taken from there to France. Therefore, as a state, we certainly express our position. However, our non-governmental organizations must, of course, continue this work.

Guy Shawn: Mr. President, may I ask you just one more question in English? Thank you. You spoke about the value of countries minding their own business. We have also seen some indications of what a future Trump administration might do in terms of foreign policy. Do you think this means that globalization, as we understood it, has had its day at this point?

President Ilham Aliyev: I think even before that, if you notice the last several years, we don’t hear a lot about globalization. Maybe ten to fifteen years ago, it was a kind of trend, but it didn’t work because many countries were opposing it. For many countries, it was not clear what it means. Globalization means more trade, or globalization means a unification of all into one substance - if I may use this word? So we’ve always been against it, and we have been very vocal. Even during the times when globalization was considered the main trend of Western politics, but even before when President Trump was elected, this issue more or less was not on top of the agenda. I am sure that it will be completely eliminated because it didn’t work. Many people did not even understand what it meant. It was used as a tool for penetration and establishing platforms for domination, and actually for brainwashing the younger generation. Because the main target of globalization was the younger generation. Because that was a calculated approach in order to make them so-called “citizens of the world.” People without culture, without nationality, without national identity, without national pride would just be kind of robots in the hands of those who have a remote control. So I am sure it is done already; it is finished.

Guy Shawn: Thank you, Mr. President.

Vusal Matlab: Mr. President, we have been working for almost three hours now. If our colleagues do not object, let's consider this the final question. In fact, perhaps there is a symbolic meaning in this topic being the last one. We have successfully completed the first mission, which was the liberation of our lands, and we are now working on the second mission – the Great Return and reconstruction. You have repeatedly mentioned that we cannot belabor the subject of Victory, that we cannot live in the euphoria of this Victory. Now, it seems we are facing the third mission. This is about the return of the Western Azerbaijanis to their ancestral lands. Under the current circumstances, how realistic do these prospects appear?

President Ilham Aliyev: You know, it is up to us - the more active we are, the more promising the prospects will be. Naturally, during the period of occupation of Karabakh, we could not be actively engaged in this issue. However, as early as 10 years ago, I already brought this topic to the political agenda, and upon my recommendation, Azerbaijani scholars began to create scientific works on the subject. A major scientific work was created on the Irevan Khanate, as well as studies on the life of Western Azerbaijanis, their settlement there, and the printing of historical maps. We were already doing this at that time because it was our rightful demand. But again, I must say, everything has its sequence, and now the time has come for us to seriously engage with this issue. First of all, several public organizations from Western Azerbaijan operating in Azerbaijan united under a single organization. The Western Azerbaijan Community and its activities have further improved, including its international outreach, and it has established contacts with many international organizations. This issue has now been placed on the international agenda because it is important. Both the international lexicon and the international agenda have now included this issue. Going forward, of course, the activities of both non-governmental organizations and the state will be aimed at enabling the people of Western Azerbaijan to return to their ancestral lands, to the villages and cities where they lived, and to settle there. This is a demand that fully aligns with international norms and principles.

Particularly considering that the current territory of Armenia essentially includes the historical lands that were predominantly inhabited by Azerbaijanis, today we assert that 300,000 Western Azerbaijanis should return to those regions. However, the total number of those who have been displaced from that region, and who are now living in various parts of Azerbaijan, along with their descendants, is several times greater than 300,000. Take a look at the maps from the 19th century, from the Russian Empire. All the toponyms there are of Azerbaijani origin, as well as the maps compiled by the Russian Empire in the early 20th century. The names of all the cities are of Azerbaijani origin. You will not see a lake named "Lake Sevan" there; it is Lake Goycha. When we say that this is our historical land, we are stating the truth. Even in the recent speech of the first fascist president of Armenia, recently published in the media, he admits that Azerbaijanis were the majority in three regions. Azerbaijanis constituted the majority in Zangezur. Yes. Not just a majority, but there were villages composed entirely of Azerbaijanis.

In the 20th century, we faced deportation three times, and each time, these deportations led to grave consequences. In November 1920, West Zangezur was severed from Azerbaijan and annexed to Armenia. Two years before that, unfortunately, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic gave away the city of Irevan to Armenia. Following this, our people endured tremendous suffering. Therefore, the time has come for Armenia to create the conditions for Western Azerbaijanis to return to their ancestral lands. Of course, we expect a clear and legally sound position from the Armenian leadership on this matter. For now, they prefer to remain silent, even though we have raised this issue multiple times and await a concrete response from them. When and under what conditions will Azerbaijanis be able to return to those regions? Particularly considering that the majority of the villages where Azerbaijanis lived remain completely empty. Returning to those areas would not pose a significant problem, as there would be no need to relocate anyone. All that is required is a guarantee of safety, recognition of their right to live there, and the creation of conditions for their activity. This is our demand, and I am hopeful that the day will come when Western Azerbaijanis will return to their native lands.

I believe it would be appropriate for Armenia’s Prime Minister to meet with representatives of the Western Azerbaijan Community. To my knowledge, they are even ready to travel to Yerevan. He should meet them and hear their concerns, and listen to them. These people were unjustly expelled from those lands. They have every right to return. If this does not happen, then what kind of European democracy can we speak of? Armenia portrays itself as a country pursuing the path of European democracy. Let them demonstrate this visibly. At the same time, I believe that the OSCE should also express its position on this issue. We expect a stance from the European Commission as well. Ignoring this matter is not the right step. This is a serious problem. It is about restoring the rights of hundreds of thousands of people. This is a human rights issue, a matter of justice. At the same time, it will also show that the current Armenian leadership is not a fascist, as the previous three presidents were fascists. Their statements, actions, participation of all three in the Khojaly genocide, and numerous other proofs confirm this.

If the current Prime Minister is a democrat and a friend of France’s President Macron, with France being the "cradle of European democracy," then let him demonstrate that by allowing this. Our request is precisely this, and demanding it does not mean claiming any territory. It is about approaching the issue from the perspective of human rights. We will not remove this issue from the agenda, despite having other propositions. However, let everyone know, both in Armenia and those behind it, that this issue will not be excluded from the agenda until Azerbaijanis can settle in Western Azerbaijan, including in West Zangezur, under secure conditions.

Vusal Matlab: Thank you, Mr. President, for the interview.

President Ilham Aliyev: Thank you.